The Republican Legacy:
The Worst Economic Crisis in Three Generations
Heckuva job Bush and his Republican friends have given us the credit crisis, the housing bust, the energy crisis, two budget-busting wars with the threat of a third and record oil company profits. Time and time again, the Republicans, including John McCain who doesn't know how many houses he has and who loves to buy stacks of $100 chips for gambling, have also offered giveaways to the rich who are already rich and don't need giveaways. Did I mention that we're in an economic crisis?Did I also mention that every sane person in Congress is holding their nose because they are probably going to have to vote yes on a bailout plan that is certainly better than Bush's plan but far from ideal because Bush and Republicans refused to deal with the problem when it would have been far smarter to do so a year or two ago? Yeah, it's a mouthful to swallow. And nobody likes it. Did everyone think that the Chinese were going to pour their billions into our housing market forever while huge areas of our economy lagged behind in the 20th century? Were we going to buy oil from the Arabs forever while shipping our jobs overseas? Were we going to borrow from the future forever
Millwright Ron
www.unionmillwright.com
We Are The Millwrights
"GODS CHOSEN FEW"
Monday, December 22, 2008
Monday, December 15, 2008
Mentality of Hillbillies
Mentality of Hillbillies
As one Republican lawmaker told Novak, GOP leaders champion an “anti-union attitude that appeals to the mentality of hillbillies at revival meetings.”
The hostility, while disgusting, is unsurprising. Unions wield power for workers, meaning they present an obstacle to Republican corporate donors, who want to put profit-making over other societal priorities.
Millwright Ron
As one Republican lawmaker told Novak, GOP leaders champion an “anti-union attitude that appeals to the mentality of hillbillies at revival meetings.”
The hostility, while disgusting, is unsurprising. Unions wield power for workers, meaning they present an obstacle to Republican corporate donors, who want to put profit-making over other societal priorities.
Millwright Ron
Sunday, December 14, 2008
Republicans
Republicans
Even the Republicans' sense of political self-interest seems dimmed by their anti-union zealotry. Senate Republicans may think they gain political points by standing against assistance to a major industry, but they will suffer political damage lasting generations if they permit the U.S. auto industry to collapse. - Ralph Nader
Millwright Ron
Even the Republicans' sense of political self-interest seems dimmed by their anti-union zealotry. Senate Republicans may think they gain political points by standing against assistance to a major industry, but they will suffer political damage lasting generations if they permit the U.S. auto industry to collapse. - Ralph Nader
Millwright Ron
Friday, December 12, 2008
$73 an Hour
$73 an Hour
That figure — repeated on television and in newspapers as the average pay of a Big Three autoworker — has become a big symbol in the fight over what should happen to Detroit. To critics, it is a neat encapsulation of everything that’s wrong with bloated car companies and their entitled workers.
To the Big Three’s defenders, meanwhile, the number has become proof positive that autoworkers are being unfairly blamed for Detroit’s decline. “We’ve heard this garbage about 73 bucks an hour,” Senator Bob Casey, a Pennsylvania Democrat, said last week. “It’s a total lie. I think some people have perpetrated that deliberately, in a calculated way, to mislead the American people about what we’re doing here.”
So what is the reality behind the number? Detroit’s defenders are right that the number is basically wrong. Big Three workers aren’t making anything close to $73 an hour (which would translate to about $150,000 a year).
But the defenders are not right to suggest, as many have, that Detroit has solved its wage problem. General Motors, Ford and Chrysler workers make significantly more than their counterparts at Toyota, Honda and Nissan plants in this country. Last year’s concessions by the United Automobile Workers, which mostly apply to new workers, will not change that anytime soon.
And yet the main problem facing Detroit, overwhelmingly, is not the pay gap. That’s unfortunate because fixing the pay gap would be fairly straightforward.
The real problem is that many people don’t want to buy the cars that Detroit makes. Fixing this problem won’t be nearly so easy.
The success of any bailout is probably going to come down to Washington’s willingness to acknowledge as much.
Let’s start with the numbers. The $73-an-hour figure comes from the car companies themselves. As part of their public relations strategy during labor negotiations, the companies put out various charts and reports explaining what they paid their workers. Wall Street analysts have done similar calculations.
The calculations show, accurately enough, that for every hour a unionized worker puts in, one of the Big Three really does spend about $73 on compensation. So the number isn’t made up. But it is the combination of three very different categories.
The first category is simply cash payments, which is what many people imagine when they hear the word “compensation.” It includes wages, overtime and vacation pay, and comes to about $40 an hour. (The numbers vary a bit by company and year. That’s why $73 is sometimes $70 or $77.)
The second category is fringe benefits, like health insurance and pensions. These benefits have real value, even if they don’t show up on a weekly paycheck. At the Big Three, the benefits amount to $15 an hour or so.
Add the two together, and you get the true hourly compensation of Detroit’s unionized work force: roughly $55 an hour. It’s a little more than twice as much as the typical American worker makes, benefits included. The more relevant comparison, though, is probably to Honda’s or Toyota’s (nonunionized) workers. They make in the neighborhood of $45 an hour, and most of the gap stems from their less generous benefits.
The third category is the cost of benefits for retirees. These are essentially fixed costs that have no relation to how many vehicles the companies make. But they are a real cost, so the companies add them into the mix — dividing those costs by the total hours of the current work force, to get a figure of $15 or so — and end up at roughly $70 an hour.
The crucial point, though, is this $15 isn’t mainly a reflection of how generous the retiree benefits are. It’s a reflection of how many retirees there are. The Big Three built up a huge pool of retirees long before Honda and Toyota opened plants in this country. You’d never know this by looking at the graphic behind Wolf Blitzer on CNN last week, contrasting the “$73/hour” pay of Detroit’s workers with the “up to $48/hour” pay of workers at the Japanese companies.
These retirees make up arguably Detroit’s best case for a bailout. The Big Three and the U.A.W. had the bad luck of helping to create the middle class in a country where individual companies — as opposed to all of society — must shoulder much of the burden of paying for retirement.
So here’s a little experiment. Imagine that a Congressional bailout effectively pays for $10 an hour of the retiree benefits. That’s roughly the gap between the Big Three’s retiree costs and those of the Japanese-owned plants in this country. Imagine, also, that the U.A.W. agrees to reduce pay and benefits for current workers to $45 an hour — the same as at Honda and Toyota.
Do you know how much that would reduce the cost of producing a Big Three vehicle? Only about $800.
That’s because labor costs, for all the attention they have been receiving, make up only about 10 percent of the cost of making a vehicle. An extra $800 per vehicle would certainly help Detroit, but the Big Three already often sell their cars for about $2,500 less than equivalent cars from Japanese companies, analysts at the International Motor Vehicle Program say. Even so, many Americans no longer want to own the cars being made by General Motors, Ford and Chrysler.
My own family’s story isn’t especially unusual. For decades, my grandparents bought American and only American. In their apartment, they still have a framed photo of the 1933 Oldsmobile that my grandfather’s family drove when he was a teenager. In the photo, his father stands proudly on the car’s running board.
By the 1970s, though, my grandfather became so sick of the problems with his American cars that he vowed never to buy another one. He hasn’t.
Detroit’s defenders, from top executives on down, insist that they have finally learned their lesson. They say a comeback is just around the corner. But they said the same thing at the start of this decade — and the start of the last one and the one before that. All the while, their market share has kept on falling.
There is good reason to keep G.M. and Chrysler from collapsing in 2009. (Ford is in slightly better shape.) The economy is in the worst recession in a generation. You can think of the Detroit bailout as a relatively cost-effective form of stimulus. It’s often cheaper to keep workers in their jobs than to create new jobs.
But Congress and the Obama administration shouldn’t fool themselves into thinking that they can preserve the Big Three in anything like their current form. Very soon, they need to shrink to a size that reflects the American public’s collective judgment about the quality of their products.
It’s a sad story, in many ways. But it can’t really be undone at this point. If we had wanted to preserve the Big Three, we would have bought more of their cars.
That figure — repeated on television and in newspapers as the average pay of a Big Three autoworker — has become a big symbol in the fight over what should happen to Detroit. To critics, it is a neat encapsulation of everything that’s wrong with bloated car companies and their entitled workers.
To the Big Three’s defenders, meanwhile, the number has become proof positive that autoworkers are being unfairly blamed for Detroit’s decline. “We’ve heard this garbage about 73 bucks an hour,” Senator Bob Casey, a Pennsylvania Democrat, said last week. “It’s a total lie. I think some people have perpetrated that deliberately, in a calculated way, to mislead the American people about what we’re doing here.”
So what is the reality behind the number? Detroit’s defenders are right that the number is basically wrong. Big Three workers aren’t making anything close to $73 an hour (which would translate to about $150,000 a year).
But the defenders are not right to suggest, as many have, that Detroit has solved its wage problem. General Motors, Ford and Chrysler workers make significantly more than their counterparts at Toyota, Honda and Nissan plants in this country. Last year’s concessions by the United Automobile Workers, which mostly apply to new workers, will not change that anytime soon.
And yet the main problem facing Detroit, overwhelmingly, is not the pay gap. That’s unfortunate because fixing the pay gap would be fairly straightforward.
The real problem is that many people don’t want to buy the cars that Detroit makes. Fixing this problem won’t be nearly so easy.
The success of any bailout is probably going to come down to Washington’s willingness to acknowledge as much.
Let’s start with the numbers. The $73-an-hour figure comes from the car companies themselves. As part of their public relations strategy during labor negotiations, the companies put out various charts and reports explaining what they paid their workers. Wall Street analysts have done similar calculations.
The calculations show, accurately enough, that for every hour a unionized worker puts in, one of the Big Three really does spend about $73 on compensation. So the number isn’t made up. But it is the combination of three very different categories.
The first category is simply cash payments, which is what many people imagine when they hear the word “compensation.” It includes wages, overtime and vacation pay, and comes to about $40 an hour. (The numbers vary a bit by company and year. That’s why $73 is sometimes $70 or $77.)
The second category is fringe benefits, like health insurance and pensions. These benefits have real value, even if they don’t show up on a weekly paycheck. At the Big Three, the benefits amount to $15 an hour or so.
Add the two together, and you get the true hourly compensation of Detroit’s unionized work force: roughly $55 an hour. It’s a little more than twice as much as the typical American worker makes, benefits included. The more relevant comparison, though, is probably to Honda’s or Toyota’s (nonunionized) workers. They make in the neighborhood of $45 an hour, and most of the gap stems from their less generous benefits.
The third category is the cost of benefits for retirees. These are essentially fixed costs that have no relation to how many vehicles the companies make. But they are a real cost, so the companies add them into the mix — dividing those costs by the total hours of the current work force, to get a figure of $15 or so — and end up at roughly $70 an hour.
The crucial point, though, is this $15 isn’t mainly a reflection of how generous the retiree benefits are. It’s a reflection of how many retirees there are. The Big Three built up a huge pool of retirees long before Honda and Toyota opened plants in this country. You’d never know this by looking at the graphic behind Wolf Blitzer on CNN last week, contrasting the “$73/hour” pay of Detroit’s workers with the “up to $48/hour” pay of workers at the Japanese companies.
These retirees make up arguably Detroit’s best case for a bailout. The Big Three and the U.A.W. had the bad luck of helping to create the middle class in a country where individual companies — as opposed to all of society — must shoulder much of the burden of paying for retirement.
So here’s a little experiment. Imagine that a Congressional bailout effectively pays for $10 an hour of the retiree benefits. That’s roughly the gap between the Big Three’s retiree costs and those of the Japanese-owned plants in this country. Imagine, also, that the U.A.W. agrees to reduce pay and benefits for current workers to $45 an hour — the same as at Honda and Toyota.
Do you know how much that would reduce the cost of producing a Big Three vehicle? Only about $800.
That’s because labor costs, for all the attention they have been receiving, make up only about 10 percent of the cost of making a vehicle. An extra $800 per vehicle would certainly help Detroit, but the Big Three already often sell their cars for about $2,500 less than equivalent cars from Japanese companies, analysts at the International Motor Vehicle Program say. Even so, many Americans no longer want to own the cars being made by General Motors, Ford and Chrysler.
My own family’s story isn’t especially unusual. For decades, my grandparents bought American and only American. In their apartment, they still have a framed photo of the 1933 Oldsmobile that my grandfather’s family drove when he was a teenager. In the photo, his father stands proudly on the car’s running board.
By the 1970s, though, my grandfather became so sick of the problems with his American cars that he vowed never to buy another one. He hasn’t.
Detroit’s defenders, from top executives on down, insist that they have finally learned their lesson. They say a comeback is just around the corner. But they said the same thing at the start of this decade — and the start of the last one and the one before that. All the while, their market share has kept on falling.
There is good reason to keep G.M. and Chrysler from collapsing in 2009. (Ford is in slightly better shape.) The economy is in the worst recession in a generation. You can think of the Detroit bailout as a relatively cost-effective form of stimulus. It’s often cheaper to keep workers in their jobs than to create new jobs.
But Congress and the Obama administration shouldn’t fool themselves into thinking that they can preserve the Big Three in anything like their current form. Very soon, they need to shrink to a size that reflects the American public’s collective judgment about the quality of their products.
It’s a sad story, in many ways. But it can’t really be undone at this point. If we had wanted to preserve the Big Three, we would have bought more of their cars.
Thursday, December 11, 2008
UNION BUSTING
UNION BUSTING
Republican Senator Admits Opposition to Auto Bill is All About UNION BUSTING.
Why were Wall Street workers not asked for concessions? Autoworkers stepped up to the plate to save the car industry. White-collar workers, on the other hand, weren't expected to do the same when financial firms went to Congress with hat in hand.
Its all those damn workers fault for trying to get pay raises and this crazy thing called "health care.
Millwright Ron
Monday, December 08, 2008
Aerotek
Aerotek
Millwrights Wanted. 12hr rotating shift starting on nights at$23.75/hr. Located in Rockford, IL for a Union Shop. Position includesmachine operation, preventative maintenance, fabrication of parts, andwelding.
Contact info: Lee Thoms, Aerotek Inc. Direct line: 815-394-5521 or emailat lthoms@aerotek.com .
Millwright Ron
www.unionmillwright.com
Millwrights Wanted. 12hr rotating shift starting on nights at$23.75/hr. Located in Rockford, IL for a Union Shop. Position includesmachine operation, preventative maintenance, fabrication of parts, andwelding.
Contact info: Lee Thoms, Aerotek Inc. Direct line: 815-394-5521 or emailat lthoms@aerotek.com .
Millwright Ron
www.unionmillwright.com
Bechtel Careers
Bechtel Careers
Superintendent Mechanical Position
#: 50405492 Closing Date: 27-DEC-2008 Position #: Position #: 50403091 Closing Date: 08-JAN-2009 Position #: 50403092 Closing Date: 13-JAN-2009 Position #: 50405492, Organization: FOS-Prairie State Energy Campus Project Business Unit: Power Location: Lively Grove,IL United States The Bechtel group of companies is a global leader in engineering,construction, and project management. With 40 offices worldwide andprojects in nearly 50 nations, Bechtel offers challenging careers in power;mining and metals; civil infrastructure; government services;communications; and oil, gas, and chemicals. Bechtel has worked on some ofthe most complex projects in history and has been the top-ranked U.S.contractor for ten straight years. No job is too big or too tough for us and we are looking for skilled individuals who feel the same way. Position Duties/Responsibilities:
SUPERINTENDENT
IAssigned to a field construction organization in a supervisory capacity.Responsible for supervising and directing operations within assigneddiscipline or area. Supervises and directs craft activities,subordinate superintendents and others, as assigned. Ensures assignedconstruction operations and subcontractors performance are in compliancewith specifications and within schedules and budgets. Performs generalfunctions inherent in all supervisory field positions.On a large project, schedules and directs the sequence of work forseveral crews of related crafts operating within a single area.On a small- to medium-sized project, coordinates and directs multi-discipline craft activities within a specific area of the project, orall related crafts of a single discipline covering all areas of theproject.The Mechanical Superintendent will be responsible for craft productivityand discipline costs. Also includes the ability to write work plans andjob safety analysis. This position requires excellent communicationskills coupled with a strong technical background and/or craftexperience in all millwright materials, installation methods, andrelevant code requirements. The Mechanical Superintendent will also beresponsible to specify and order tools and consumable materials asrequired in support of the craft workforce within his purview.The Mechanical Superintendent will manage the General Foremen, Foremen,technicians, craft labor, and sub contractors; and will have directresponsibility for customer satisfaction and project profitability.He or she must value safety as the primary performance objective.The Mechanical Superintendent will report to, and receive directionfrom, the Project Superintendent and may be required to fill in for sameas required. He will be responsible to provide progress and performancereporting, and work with the site management team to develop andmaintain the site construction schedule.Essential Job Duties:-Promote safety as a value and ensure all work activities meet Bechtel'sES&H requirements and objectives-Determines manpower requirements for assigned work responsibilities-Supports project Quality, Cost and Schedule requirements-Establish tool and equipment requirements for all site mechanicalactivities-Provide direction and supervision for subordinate personnel withinassigned area of responsibility-Provide input to construction schedule-Coordinate activities with all disciplines and client representatives-Ensures assigned construction activities are executed in compliancewith all applicable Bechtel work processes and procedures-Generates Field Material Requisitions (FMR's) as required for tools,equipment and materials.-Reviews FMR's generated by subordinates-Must be able to work a flexible schedule and support extended hours asthe project requires. Ability to travel as required.-Subcontract management experience is a plus.Basic Qualifications:-Journeyman Craftsman plus 8 years Craft Supervision Experience orDiscipline Related Engineering Degree and 8 years Related WorkExperience or 12 Years Equivalent Directly Related Work Experience-Must have at least 10 years experience in fossil power or heavyindustrial construction.-Must have the right to work and remain in the United States-Must have excellent written and verbal communication skills-Must have a basic level of computer proficiency.-Must also have experience in generating and maintaining resource-loadedschedules; determining manpower, material, equipment, and toolrequirements; and supervising subordinate superintendents, GeneralForemen, Foremen, Technicians, Craft Labor, subcontract andadministrative employees.-Must have the ability to work closely in multiple disciplines withfield engineers, and other superintendents.-Must also have experience in rotating equipment installation andcenterline alignment installation including current working knowledge ofAWS and ASME welding procedures, processes and requirements.-Must also have a working knowledge of current welding technology andmethodology and associated equipment.Preferred Qualifications:-Journeyman Craftsman plus 10 years Craft Supervision Experience orDiscipline Related Engineering Degree and 10 years Related WorkExperience or 15 Years Equivalent Directly Related work ExperienceMust have Full Right to work in the United States
http://careers.bechtel.com/PositionDetail.aspx?q_pid=241115&q_Source=positionsearchhttp://careers.bechtel.com/PositionDetail.aspx?q_pid=243757&q_Source=positionsearchhttp://careers.bechtel.com/PositionDetail.aspx?q_pid=242270&q_Source=positionsearch
Unity
Millwright Ron
www.unionmillwright.com
Superintendent Mechanical Position
#: 50405492 Closing Date: 27-DEC-2008 Position #: Position #: 50403091 Closing Date: 08-JAN-2009 Position #: 50403092 Closing Date: 13-JAN-2009 Position #: 50405492, Organization: FOS-Prairie State Energy Campus Project Business Unit: Power Location: Lively Grove,IL United States The Bechtel group of companies is a global leader in engineering,construction, and project management. With 40 offices worldwide andprojects in nearly 50 nations, Bechtel offers challenging careers in power;mining and metals; civil infrastructure; government services;communications; and oil, gas, and chemicals. Bechtel has worked on some ofthe most complex projects in history and has been the top-ranked U.S.contractor for ten straight years. No job is too big or too tough for us and we are looking for skilled individuals who feel the same way. Position Duties/Responsibilities:
SUPERINTENDENT
IAssigned to a field construction organization in a supervisory capacity.Responsible for supervising and directing operations within assigneddiscipline or area. Supervises and directs craft activities,subordinate superintendents and others, as assigned. Ensures assignedconstruction operations and subcontractors performance are in compliancewith specifications and within schedules and budgets. Performs generalfunctions inherent in all supervisory field positions.On a large project, schedules and directs the sequence of work forseveral crews of related crafts operating within a single area.On a small- to medium-sized project, coordinates and directs multi-discipline craft activities within a specific area of the project, orall related crafts of a single discipline covering all areas of theproject.The Mechanical Superintendent will be responsible for craft productivityand discipline costs. Also includes the ability to write work plans andjob safety analysis. This position requires excellent communicationskills coupled with a strong technical background and/or craftexperience in all millwright materials, installation methods, andrelevant code requirements. The Mechanical Superintendent will also beresponsible to specify and order tools and consumable materials asrequired in support of the craft workforce within his purview.The Mechanical Superintendent will manage the General Foremen, Foremen,technicians, craft labor, and sub contractors; and will have directresponsibility for customer satisfaction and project profitability.He or she must value safety as the primary performance objective.The Mechanical Superintendent will report to, and receive directionfrom, the Project Superintendent and may be required to fill in for sameas required. He will be responsible to provide progress and performancereporting, and work with the site management team to develop andmaintain the site construction schedule.Essential Job Duties:-Promote safety as a value and ensure all work activities meet Bechtel'sES&H requirements and objectives-Determines manpower requirements for assigned work responsibilities-Supports project Quality, Cost and Schedule requirements-Establish tool and equipment requirements for all site mechanicalactivities-Provide direction and supervision for subordinate personnel withinassigned area of responsibility-Provide input to construction schedule-Coordinate activities with all disciplines and client representatives-Ensures assigned construction activities are executed in compliancewith all applicable Bechtel work processes and procedures-Generates Field Material Requisitions (FMR's) as required for tools,equipment and materials.-Reviews FMR's generated by subordinates-Must be able to work a flexible schedule and support extended hours asthe project requires. Ability to travel as required.-Subcontract management experience is a plus.Basic Qualifications:-Journeyman Craftsman plus 8 years Craft Supervision Experience orDiscipline Related Engineering Degree and 8 years Related WorkExperience or 12 Years Equivalent Directly Related Work Experience-Must have at least 10 years experience in fossil power or heavyindustrial construction.-Must have the right to work and remain in the United States-Must have excellent written and verbal communication skills-Must have a basic level of computer proficiency.-Must also have experience in generating and maintaining resource-loadedschedules; determining manpower, material, equipment, and toolrequirements; and supervising subordinate superintendents, GeneralForemen, Foremen, Technicians, Craft Labor, subcontract andadministrative employees.-Must have the ability to work closely in multiple disciplines withfield engineers, and other superintendents.-Must also have experience in rotating equipment installation andcenterline alignment installation including current working knowledge ofAWS and ASME welding procedures, processes and requirements.-Must also have a working knowledge of current welding technology andmethodology and associated equipment.Preferred Qualifications:-Journeyman Craftsman plus 10 years Craft Supervision Experience orDiscipline Related Engineering Degree and 10 years Related WorkExperience or 15 Years Equivalent Directly Related work ExperienceMust have Full Right to work in the United States
http://careers.bechtel.com/PositionDetail.aspx?q_pid=241115&q_Source=positionsearchhttp://careers.bechtel.com/PositionDetail.aspx?q_pid=243757&q_Source=positionsearchhttp://careers.bechtel.com/PositionDetail.aspx?q_pid=242270&q_Source=positionsearch
Unity
Millwright Ron
www.unionmillwright.com
Friday, December 05, 2008
wind Turbines
Hi Ron. Could you please forward the following information to B.White @ local 711 and anyone else who has information that may be able to assist me in searching for some answers. In Ontario Canada local 1410 is watching work take place while having nothing to do with it. There are several wind turbines being placed on and around Wolfe Island which being erected by union iron workers who are working along side non-union mechanical companies. As a local covering Eastern Ontario we have very little industry left and several members who have been unemployed for the last several months are watching all of this take place. As a small local, we the millwrights tend to work side by side with the iron workers on pretty much everything that happens in our area. The ironworkers who we have kept in touch with us regarding this issue say that even they would rather work with union millwrights rather than non union mechanical outfits. The fact is, the iron-workers are doing everything on site, from unloading barges to bolting up everything and finally installing the mechanical components on top of the shaft. Something doesn't sound or look right from a this member's point of view. My question to all of you is this: When it comes to wind turbine erection in the United States, what exactly is your jurisdiction when it comes to setting up wind turbines? Do we do it all in the U.S.? To everyone who receives this, your input will be used to help our local in searching for answers on how to approach this. Thanks for taking the time to read this and Ron, hope your feeling better.
Eric Kirby
Local 1410
Kingston ON
Canada
Eric Kirby
Local 1410
Kingston ON
Canada
Wednesday, December 03, 2008
ILLEGAL FIRINGS
ILLEGAL FIRINGS
This report finds a steep rise in illegal firings of pro-union workers in the 2000s relative to the last half of the 1990s. It uses published data from the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) to update an index of the probability that a pro-union worker will be fired in the course of a union election campaign. By 2005, pro-union workers involved in union election campaigns faced about a 1.8 percent chance of being illegally fired during the course of the campaign. If we assume that employers target union organizers and activists, and that union organizers and activists make up about 10 percent of pro-union workers, our estimates suggest that almost one-in-five union organizers or activists can expect to be fired as a result of their activities in a union election campaign.
Millwright Ron
This report finds a steep rise in illegal firings of pro-union workers in the 2000s relative to the last half of the 1990s. It uses published data from the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) to update an index of the probability that a pro-union worker will be fired in the course of a union election campaign. By 2005, pro-union workers involved in union election campaigns faced about a 1.8 percent chance of being illegally fired during the course of the campaign. If we assume that employers target union organizers and activists, and that union organizers and activists make up about 10 percent of pro-union workers, our estimates suggest that almost one-in-five union organizers or activists can expect to be fired as a result of their activities in a union election campaign.
Millwright Ron
Audel Mechanical Trades Pocket Manual
Audel Mechanical Trades Pocket Manual
This tool needs no maintenance
Fully revised and updated, this convenient guide covers the latest industrial equipment as well as all the tools and machines prevalent in older plants, even those from the early 1970s and before.
Your complete reference tool
Discusses machinery installation, welding, rigging, carpentry, basic electricity, and more Features a chapter on safety issues Covers belts, drives, transmissions, and bearings Examines automatic sprinkler systems Offers tips for preventive maintenance Includes coverage of piping and pipefitting Reviews shop mathematics, geometry, and trigonometry.
Millwright Ron
This tool needs no maintenance
Fully revised and updated, this convenient guide covers the latest industrial equipment as well as all the tools and machines prevalent in older plants, even those from the early 1970s and before.
Your complete reference tool
Discusses machinery installation, welding, rigging, carpentry, basic electricity, and more Features a chapter on safety issues Covers belts, drives, transmissions, and bearings Examines automatic sprinkler systems Offers tips for preventive maintenance Includes coverage of piping and pipefitting Reviews shop mathematics, geometry, and trigonometry.
Millwright Ron
Tuesday, December 02, 2008
Right To Work For Less
Right To Work For Less
Right to Work for Less should be the correct name.
To set the record (and the name) straight, right to work for less doesn’t guarantee any rights. In fact, by weakening unions and collective bargaining, it destroys the best job security protection that exists: the union contract. Meanwhile, it allows workers to pay nothing and get all the benefits of union membership. Right to work laws say unions must represent all eligible employees, whether they pay dues or not. This forces unions to use their time and members’ dues money to provide union benefits to free riders who are not willing to pay their fair share.
Right to work laws lower wages for everyone.
The average worker in a right to work state makes about $5,333 a year less than workers in other states ($35,500 compared with $30,167). Weekly wages are $72 greater in free-bargaining states than in right to work states ($621 versus $549).Working families in states without right to work laws have higher wages and benefit from healthier tax bases that improve their quality of life
More Workplace Deaths and Injuries
Right to work endangers safety and health standards that protect workers on the job by weakening unions that help to ensure worker safety by fighting for tougher safety rules. According to the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics, the rate of workplace deaths is 51 percent higher in states with right to work, where unions can’t speak up on behalf of workers
Fewer People with Health Care
21 percent more people lack health insurance in right to work states compared to
free-bargaining states.
Lower Workers’ Compensation Benefits for Workers Injured on the Job
Maximum weekly worker compensation benefits are $30 higher in free states
($609 versus $579 in right to work state
Right to Work and Women
Union women earn $149 more each week than nonunion women.
Right to Work Hurts People of Color Most
Latino union members earn 45 percent ($180) more each week than nonunion
Latinos.
African Americans earn 30 percent ($140) more each week if they are union
members.
Right to work, plain and simple, means lower wages for all workers.
I hope that this helps you to understand about "right to work"
Be Safe
Millwright Ron
www.unionmillwright.com
Right to Work for Less should be the correct name.
To set the record (and the name) straight, right to work for less doesn’t guarantee any rights. In fact, by weakening unions and collective bargaining, it destroys the best job security protection that exists: the union contract. Meanwhile, it allows workers to pay nothing and get all the benefits of union membership. Right to work laws say unions must represent all eligible employees, whether they pay dues or not. This forces unions to use their time and members’ dues money to provide union benefits to free riders who are not willing to pay their fair share.
Right to work laws lower wages for everyone.
The average worker in a right to work state makes about $5,333 a year less than workers in other states ($35,500 compared with $30,167). Weekly wages are $72 greater in free-bargaining states than in right to work states ($621 versus $549).Working families in states without right to work laws have higher wages and benefit from healthier tax bases that improve their quality of life
More Workplace Deaths and Injuries
Right to work endangers safety and health standards that protect workers on the job by weakening unions that help to ensure worker safety by fighting for tougher safety rules. According to the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics, the rate of workplace deaths is 51 percent higher in states with right to work, where unions can’t speak up on behalf of workers
Fewer People with Health Care
21 percent more people lack health insurance in right to work states compared to
free-bargaining states.
Lower Workers’ Compensation Benefits for Workers Injured on the Job
Maximum weekly worker compensation benefits are $30 higher in free states
($609 versus $579 in right to work state
Right to Work and Women
Union women earn $149 more each week than nonunion women.
Right to Work Hurts People of Color Most
Latino union members earn 45 percent ($180) more each week than nonunion
Latinos.
African Americans earn 30 percent ($140) more each week if they are union
members.
Right to work, plain and simple, means lower wages for all workers.
I hope that this helps you to understand about "right to work"
Be Safe
Millwright Ron
www.unionmillwright.com
Right To Work
Right To Work
Right to Work for Less should be the correct name.
To set the record (and the name) straight, right to work for less doesn’t guarantee any rights. In fact, by weakening unions and collective bargaining, it destroys the best job security protection that exists: the union contract. Meanwhile, it allows workers to pay nothing and get all the benefits of union membership. Right to work laws say unions must represent all eligible employees, whether they pay dues or not. This forces unions to use their time and members’ dues money to provide union benefits to free riders who are not willing to pay their fair share.
Right to work laws lower wages for everyone.
The average worker in a right to work state makes about $5,333 a year less than workers in other states ($35,500 compared with $30,167). Weekly wages are $72 greater in free-bargaining states than in right to work states ($621 versus $549).Working families in states without right to work laws have higher wages and benefit from healthier tax bases that improve their quality of life
More Workplace Deaths and Injuries
Right to work endangers safety and health standards that protect workers on the job by weakening unions that help to ensure worker safety by fighting for tougher safety rules. According to the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics, the rate of workplace deaths is 51 percent higher in states with right to work, where unions can’t speak up on behalf of workers
Fewer People with Health Care
21 percent more people lack health insurance in right to work states compared to
free-bargaining states.
Lower Workers’ Compensation Benefits for Workers Injured on the Job
Maximum weekly worker compensation benefits are $30 higher in free states
($609 versus $579 in right to work state
Right to Work and Women
Union women earn $149 more each week than nonunion women.
Right to Work Hurts People of Color Most
Latino union members earn 45 percent ($180) more each week than nonunion
Latinos.
African Americans earn 30 percent ($140) more each week if they are union
members.
Right to work, plain and simple, means lower wages for all workers.
I hope that this helps you to understand about "right to work"
Be Safe
Millwright Ron
http://www.unionmillwright.com/
Right to Work for Less should be the correct name.
To set the record (and the name) straight, right to work for less doesn’t guarantee any rights. In fact, by weakening unions and collective bargaining, it destroys the best job security protection that exists: the union contract. Meanwhile, it allows workers to pay nothing and get all the benefits of union membership. Right to work laws say unions must represent all eligible employees, whether they pay dues or not. This forces unions to use their time and members’ dues money to provide union benefits to free riders who are not willing to pay their fair share.
Right to work laws lower wages for everyone.
The average worker in a right to work state makes about $5,333 a year less than workers in other states ($35,500 compared with $30,167). Weekly wages are $72 greater in free-bargaining states than in right to work states ($621 versus $549).Working families in states without right to work laws have higher wages and benefit from healthier tax bases that improve their quality of life
More Workplace Deaths and Injuries
Right to work endangers safety and health standards that protect workers on the job by weakening unions that help to ensure worker safety by fighting for tougher safety rules. According to the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics, the rate of workplace deaths is 51 percent higher in states with right to work, where unions can’t speak up on behalf of workers
Fewer People with Health Care
21 percent more people lack health insurance in right to work states compared to
free-bargaining states.
Lower Workers’ Compensation Benefits for Workers Injured on the Job
Maximum weekly worker compensation benefits are $30 higher in free states
($609 versus $579 in right to work state
Right to Work and Women
Union women earn $149 more each week than nonunion women.
Right to Work Hurts People of Color Most
Latino union members earn 45 percent ($180) more each week than nonunion
Latinos.
African Americans earn 30 percent ($140) more each week if they are union
members.
Right to work, plain and simple, means lower wages for all workers.
I hope that this helps you to understand about "right to work"
Be Safe
Millwright Ron
http://www.unionmillwright.com/
Crane and Rigging
The “best” is now bigger and better! The book referred to as the best rigging book in North America has been revised cover to cover. All of the existing sections have been reorganized, updated and expanded. Five new sections, and over 100 new pages were added.
The IPT’s Crane and Rigging Handbook and Training Manual are used for reference and/or training in every type of industry and all methods of classroom training in North America.
The IPT’s Crane and Rigging Handbook and Training Manual are used for reference and/or training in every type of industry and all methods of classroom training in North America.
Millwright Ron
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